From Border Insecurity to National Vulnerability – India

Border security is of serious concern globally. The US has deployed its Stryker Brigade at the US-Mexico border and offered 250 used Stryker ICVs to Poland for one dollar apiece in December 2025. Yet, the US managed to politically pressure India for joint production of this vintage ICV. Mercifully, this went on the backburner after Stryker trials in high-altitude failed miserably but time was wasted in equipping the Army with the indigenous Wheeled Armoured Platform (WhAP), also being exported to Morocco.

India has a volatile neighbourhood and land borders measuring 15,200-km, with the longest border with Bangladesh – 4,096.7 km. China and Pakistan are in illegal occupation of Indian territories and eye more. The border with Myanmar is not fully settled. About 800–860 km of the India-Bangladesh border remains unfenced, with over 174 km classified as non-feasible for fencing due to riverine areas and marshy lands.
India has faced terrorism since Independence. A surgical strike, standoff Balakot strike, and killing 100 terrorists in Operation ‘Sindoor’ can’t suffice against a country churning out 1.00.000 radicals annually from 32,000 madrassa. Cross-border tunnels are being used by our adversaries for infiltration and smuggling along our borders with Pakistan, Bangladesh and Myanmar. We lack a doctrinal approach for proactive tunnel warfare. India’s strategy has a defensive mindset where infiltrators are dealt with after they enter our territory. Despite an Armed Forces Special Operations Division, in addition to a large number of Special Forces in the Services, the focus is more on optics, like the clip on Bhairav Commandos using Amitabh Bacchan’s background voice.

All this is because India still doesn’t have a National Security Strategy (NSS) despite NSA Ajit Doval officially tasked to define one in 2019. Lack of NSS, helps the political hierarchy to avoid responsibility in crisis situations. Government focus remains on elections, trade, money-making and of late on Epstein Files. When and why the US released Epstein Files containing names of PM Modi, Hardeep Puri and Anil Ambani, and how Trump is using is using Epstein Files as a strategic weapon to delete names from these files, plus Trump’s other pressure points on India, can be read here. Despite Indian efforts to appease Trump, the US has slapped 126% tariffs on India solar exports after Adani’s firm withdrew from the probes. Hardeep Puri’s Epstein connection and the riches secured by his daughter continues to trend the internet. But India always has intra-party and inter-party skeletons, so there is nothing to worry about.

Hardeep Singh Puri’s daughter, Himanee Puri’s company Realm Partners LLC had reportedly received $28 crore, which is approximately ₹2400 crore, in funding from Robert Millard, a close associate of Jeffrey Epstein.

Yet this man is being protected by the Godi media and our… pic.twitter.com/MDp0khkuK5

— Suraj G Naik (@yoursurajnaik) February 23, 2026

But New Delhi should worry about the Epsteins in India. Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has said 1,17,369 women and minor girls went missing during 2024-2025 in Maharashtra, of whom 86,228 the police traced but 31,141 are still missing. If this is the state in one state, imagine the numbers pan-India. How many such rackets are linked to politicians? Fadanavis has also launched a rifle and combat training program for Dalit and Nav-Buddhists youth – a private-political army? But what is India doing about politicians abusing, thrashing and in one case even making a Dalit drink his own urine? News of such incidents come in media but never the follow up of what action was taken against the concerned politician (s).

In February 2026, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) announced India’s first-ever National Counter-Terrorism Strategy ‘PRAHAAR’: zero-tolerance against terrorism. PRAHAAR is an acronym for: Prevention of terror attacks to protect citizens; Responses that are swift and proportionate to the threat; Aggregating internal capacities for synergy; Human rights and ‘Rule of Law’ based processes; Attenuating the conditions enabling terrorism; Aligning and shaping international efforts; Recovery and resilience through a whole-of-society approach.

BIG! Home Ministry unveils India’s first National Counter-Terrorism Strategy ‘Prahaar’, reinforcing a ZERO-TOLERANCE war on TERROR.

The policy will CRIMINALIZE every terrorist act and choke off funds, weapons, and safe havens for terrorists and their supporters. pic.twitter.com/78rVM4wMpl

— Megh Updates (@MeghUpdates) February 23, 2026

This strategy, coming after India suffered thousands of terror attacks over the years indicates the seriousness or lack of it in combating terrorism. How effective PRAHAAR is, including in dealing with criminalization of politics, only time will show. Why did we not react to the Delhi and Nowgam blasts, which had clear foreign links – fear of enemy retaliation? What happened to zero-tolerance?

In 2000, Farooq Abdullah, then Chief Minister of J&K, addressed a think tank in New Delhi. After the talk, a foreigner in the audience asked him, “Sir, there are 5-6 villages in J&K bang on the border that assist infiltration. Why not move them away from the border into the hinterland?” Abdullah replied, “We have those plans. I have asked INR 100 crore from the Centre to move the first village”. That was 26 years ago.

In recent years, control of up to 60 km of the border with Pakistan was given to the BSF for counter-drone operations, which led to plenty of discussion and controversy. The Army has now been made responsible for counter-drone operations along the Pakistan and China borders, managing low-altitude airspace within a 35-km range from the frontier. But ambiguity remains in coordinating counter-drone operations between the Army and the BSF, given internal politics. Why has the Army not been given responsibility for low-altitude airspace along the Bangladesh border when China and Turkey are supplying them drone? Is the fear that army surveillance will unveil the iniquitous activities under the very nose of the MHA?

In April 2025, Union Home Minister Amit Shah said an electronic surveillance system would be “first” installed along the Indo-Pak border in the next 3-4 years, and then on the India-Bangladesh border. Why can’t we address the Indo-Bangladesh border simultaneously? Why should the Indo-Pak border take 3-4 years in the first place – lack of resources or political will? Is the government waiting for BJP rule coming in Bangladesh to address the Bangladesh border effectively?

A decade back, India Today showed its reporter on the Indo-Bangladesh border standing next to a BSF jawan sitting on a chair and a stream of Bangladeshis entering India through the broken fence in broad daylight. The clip was taken off the TV within 10 minutes. A shocking video of an Indian youth crossing into Bangladesh territory in broad daylight with no one checking him was recently aired by Times Now. Obviously, illegal immigration and smuggling, including cattle-smuggling, is continuing and money is changing hands.

The Calcutta High Court has ordered the West Bengal government to hand over land for BSF fencing by March 31, 2026. The West Bengal government says it has no objection to providing land for fencing, land has already been provided to central agencies, but Centre must roll back the arbitrary decision to extend the BSF’s jurisdiction from 15 km to 50 km. This indicates that the issue really is not about fencing, but of BSF controlling all land within 50-km of the border.

• Union Home Minister Amit Shah is going around saying infiltration will be stopped if BJP rule comes to power in West Bengal, and if BJP returns to power in Assam, infiltration and flooding will be stopped. But multiple questions arise as under:
• • Are we a bunch of eunuchs who cannot acquire land for border fencing or is this only about BSF control up to 50-km from the border?
  • • Why has the issue been taken up with Calcutta High Court after so many years – isn’t this deliberate dirty politicking? Doesn’t this demand accountability?
• • Isn’t the BSF, which is directly under the MHA, responsible for the Indo-Bangladesh border? And, BSF has never said it is constrained in guarding this border?
• • Isn’t the current situation conducive to enormous financial gains for the MHA, using BSF for infiltration, narcotics and cattle smuggling – as indicated by India Today in the past and Times Now recently.

Jibu B Mathews, commandant 83 Battalion BSF (resident of Pathanamthitta District of Kerala) was arrested by the CBI unit of Kochi travelling in Shalimar Express. He was carrying INR 76 lakhs when nabbed, and CBI recovered INR 96 crore from his house later. He was posted at the India-Bangladesh border at the time of his arrest. This is just a small sample of what is involved. Farooq Abdullah only wanted INR 100 crore to disregard national security, but here the sum involved would be many millions more. Wonder if the CBI got a rap for reporting the Mathews case and was directed to not report such cases in future.

When a reporter asked why the Home Minister can’t stop infiltration from Bangladesh, Amit Shah only sniggered, “woh bhabhiji wali (that sister-in-law), and that the BSF “cannot” guard the Bangladesh border without the fence – this after BJP ruling India since 2014? It amounts to admitting, as home minister, he has failed to provide adequate security along this border. How come he didn’t imprison Mamta Bannerjee and Mahua Moitra (like Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia in false cases) and took over West Bengal to secure the border – has he lost his touch?

Finally, when will we transcend from border insecurity to border security – 2047?

The author is an Indian Army veteran. Views expressed are personal.

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Exclusive: Dubai Ports Titan Steps Down After Epstein Email Sparks Global Outcry

DUBAI / INTERNATIONAL – In a dramatic development reverberating across global business and political networks, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, the long-time chairman and chief executive of Dubai’s logistics giant DP World, has resigned following the public release of email correspondence tying him to disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein.

The decision marks a stunning fall for one of the Middle East’s most influential business leaders – a figure who helped transform DP World into a linchpin of Dubai’s economy and one of the world’s largest port operators.

‘Torture Video’ Email Triggers Leadership Shake-Up

The resignation comes after new documents released by the U.S. Department of Justice – part of the ongoing Epstein files disclosure – showed an email from Epstein to bin Sulayem that included the unsettling line: “I loved the torture video.”

While the full context of the exchange remains unclear, U.S. lawmakers publicly identified bin Sulayem as the recipient of that message after his name had initially been redacted.

The exchange is part of a larger archive of communications spanning years, in which Epstein described bin Sulayem as “one of my most trusted friends,” with correspondence touching on personal and business matters.

DP World’s Swift Transition

DP World – owned by the Dubai government and a critical engine of the emirate’s trade, logistics, and economic expansion – moved quickly to install new leadership. Essa Kazim has been appointed chairman of the board, while former deputy CEO Yuvraj Narayan will serve as the company’s new CEO.

The official statement issued by the Government of Dubai’s media office did not directly mention bin Sulayem, but the leadership overhaul signals a bid to reassure global partners and markets.

International Backlash and Business Fallout

News of the email quickly sparked concern among DP World’s institutional partners. Major investors such as La Caisse – Quebec’s pension fund – and British International Investment temporarily paused new commitments in projects involving DP World, underscoring the reputational risks tied to the emerging revelations.

DP World’s expansive portfolio includes ports across the Middle East, Europe, Africa, and Asia – placing it at the heart of global supply chains. The leadership change comes amid heightened scrutiny from regulators, stakeholders, and human rights observers watching the broader Epstein disclosures.

No Criminal Charges – Yet

It’s critical to note that bin Sulayem has not been charged with any crime in relation to the Epstein materials, and the precise nature of the “torture video” referenced in the emails has not been publicly clarified.

However, the political and commercial fallout has already reshaped one of the Gulf’s most significant corporate leaders – a figure whose influence once extended across global commerce, philanthropic partnerships, and elite networks from the Middle East to the West.

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Beyond Compliance: Why DGCA Needs a Formal CAMO Performance Evaluation Framework?

From Silent Custodian to Measurable Pillar of Safety in Aviation

Continuing Airworthiness Management Organisations (CAMOs) have long been described as the heart and soul of any aviation organisation. In our earlier article, “CAMO: The Heart & Soul of Airline Safety & Efficiency”, we examined why CAMO oversight is central to flight safety, operational reliability, and asset value preservation, and how failures in CAMO oversight – often invisible until it is too late – have contributed to catastrophic outcomes globally.

Building upon that foundation, this article takes the discussion a step further. It proposes a structured, objective CAMO Performance Evaluation Framework for India, inspired by the Directorate General of Civil Aviation’s (DGCA) successful initiative to rate Flying Training Organisations (FTOs) – a move widely appreciated for introducing transparency, accountability, and continuous improvement into a critical segment of aviation.

The time has come to ask a difficult but necessary question:

If pilot training organisations can be rated for quality and safety outcomes, why should CAMOs – the custodians of airworthiness – remain unmeasured and unbenchmarked?

CAMO Under Pressure: Walking a Tightrope Every Day

Recent aviation incidents and accidents – both in India and globally – have once again drawn attention to the immense pressure under which CAMO post holders operate.

CAMO leaders routinely find themselves walking a tightrope:

• On one side, commercial pressure from operators to keep aircraft flying, minimise downtime, and control costs.
• On the other, regulatory expectations from DGCA, demanding absolute compliance, traceability, and proactive risk management.

Unlike flight operations or maintenance, CAMO failures are rarely dramatic or immediate. They manifest quietly – through deferred maintenance, missed trends, incomplete records, or configuration drift – until one day the system breaks.

History shows that when CAMO oversight weakens:

• Minor technical issues evolve into chronic reliability problems
• Asset values erode unnoticed
• Safety margins shrink silently
• Regulatory findings escalate from observations to enforcement actions

Conversely, when CAMO functions effectively, it:

• Prevents incidents before they materialise
• Saves crores in avoidable maintenance costs
• Preserves aircraft residual values
• Enhances safety culture across the organisation

Yet, despite its centrality, CAMO performance today is judged largely through periodic audits and reactive findings, rather than through continuous, data-driven benchmarking.

Learning from DGCA’s FTO Rating Initiative

DGCA’s introduction of FTO grading and categorisation has been a landmark step for Indian aviation. By formally recognising differences in:

• Training quality
• Infrastructure
• Safety oversight
• Instructor strength

the regulator has:

• Encouraged healthy competition
• Rewarded high performers
• Provided clarity to students and investors
• Created a roadmap for improvement

This initiative demonstrates that rating does not mean penalising – it means guiding the ecosystem toward higher standards.

A similar philosophy can – and should – be applied to CAMOs.

Why India Needs a CAMO Performance Evaluation Framework

India’s aviation ecosystem has matured rapidly:

• Fleet sizes are expanding
• Leasing exposure is increasing
• Foreign lessors and insurers are scrutinising Indian operators more closely
• General Aviation and NSOP operations are growing in complexity

In this environment, CAMO effectiveness directly impacts national aviation credibility.

A formal CAMO evaluation framework would:

• Move oversight from compliance-only to performance-oriented
• Identify best-in-class practices worth replicating
• Help weaker CAMOs recognise gaps early
• Provide regulators with trend-based supervisory tools
• Offer lessors and investors a clearer risk lens

Proposed CAMO Performance Evaluation Framework (India)

Based on industry experience, regulatory expectations, and global best practices, the following ten key performance parameters can objectively assess CAMO effectiveness. Each parameter is scored on a scale of 1–10, resulting in a cumulative score out of 100.

Key Evaluation Parameters

1. Regulatory Compliance Record
   Audit findings, CAR-M adherence, AD/SB incorporation discipline
2. Fleet Airworthiness Availability
   Aircraft serviceability rates, AOG trends
3. Reliability Programme Effectiveness
   Defect trending, data analytics, corrective action robustness
4. Maintenance Planning & Forecasting Accuracy
   Predictive vs reactive maintenance culture
5. Technical Record Keeping & Digitalisation
   Traceability, data integrity, digital maturity
6. Configuration Control & Modification Tracking
   STC control, serial number accuracy
7. Human Resource Competence & Retention
   Training depth, approvals, team stability
8. SMS Integration
   CAMO participation in hazard identification and mitigation
9. Cost Efficiency & Asset Optimisation
   Maintenance cost control without compromising safety
10. Innovation & Continuous Improvement
    Use of AI, predictive maintenance, digital twins, automation

Scoring Interpretation

Below graphical representation depicts the distinctions amongst CAMO Organizations

Survey-Based Indicative Ranking (Illustrative)

As part of this study, a confidential perception-based survey was conducted among aviation professionals, lessors, engineers, and auditors, drawing on public data, audit histories, and industry feedback. While not a substitute for DGCA audits, the results offer meaningful directional insight.

Non-Scheduled Operators (NSOP) – CAMO Ranking

Rank	Operator	Total Score (/100)
1	Pinnacle Air	Very Strong
2	Club One Air	Strong
3	Taj Air	Satisfactory
4	Fly Big	Satisfactory
5	Heritage Aviation	Marginal, Needs Improvement

Why Pinnacle Air stands out:
Industry feedback consistently highlights Pinnacle Air’s CAMO for:

• Disciplined configuration control
• Strong record integrity
• Proactive reliability monitoring
• Balanced decision-making under operational pressure

Its CAMO function is widely regarded as a benchmark for Indian General Aviation, demonstrating that excellence is achievable even outside large airline ecosystems. It offers a practical role model for both operators and regulators.

How This Framework Can Be Used

For DGCA

• Benchmark CAMO maturity
• Introduce incentive-based supervision
• Identify model CAMOs for replication

For Operators

• Self-audit objectively
• Prioritise investment areas
• Strengthen safety and asset outcomes

For Lessors & Investors

• Evaluate airworthiness risk
• Price leases and insurance more accurately
• Encourage governance discipline

Conclusion: From Silent Function to Measurable Excellence

CAMO has always been the unseen backbone of aviation safety. What India needs now is to make CAMO excellence visible, measurable, and aspirational.

A structured CAMO Performance Evaluation Framework – much like DGCA’s FTO rating system – can elevate the entire aviation ecosystem, reward professionalism, and prevent failures before they occur.

The message is clear:

Compliance keeps aircraft legal.
Excellence in CAMO keeps aviation sustainable.

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The Service Sector Boom in Defence: Unlocking Chapter 12 of DPM 2025

If you run an IT firm, a logistics company, or a specialized consultancy, you’ve probably looked at the Indian Defence sector and thought, “Not for me. They only buy guns, tanks, and aircraft.”

For years, you were mostly right. The Defence Procurement Manual (DPM) was written for goods. Trying to sell “services” or “expertise” to the Ministry of Defence (MoD) was like trying to fit a square peg in a round hole. Service contracts were often shoehorned into “Goods” procurement rules, leading to the dreaded L1 (Lowest Bidder) trap—where the cheapest (and often least capable) provider won, and quality suffered.

That era ended with the release of DPM 2025.

Hidden away in this massive document is a brand-new addition that changes everything for the service sector: Chapter 12.

For the first time, the MoD has codified specific rules for “Procurement of Services.” They have finally acknowledged that buying expert advice is not the same as buying spare parts.

Here is why Chapter 12 is a game-changer for your business.

1.  The Death of “L1 Only”: Enter QCBS

This is the single biggest victory for quality. Under the old system, if you were a top-tier engineering consultancy competing against a “mom-and-pop” shop that quoted peanuts, you lost. The system was blind to expertise; it only saw price.

Chapter 12 changes the rules. It explicitly authorizes Quality and Cost Based Selection (QCBS) for consultancy services.

What does this mean? It means the Armed Forces can now give up to 80% weightage to Technical Capability and only 20% to Price. If you have superior domain knowledge, better past performance, or a more robust methodology, you can win the contract even if you are more expensive.

Armed Forces are no longer forced to buy the cheapest advice. They can now buy the best.

2.  Defining the Opportunity: It’s Not Just “Consulting”

The manual breaks services into two massive buckets, both of which are now open for structured business:

• Consultancy    Services:    This is for the “Brain Power.” Think Advisory, Project Management, Engineering Services, Architectural Design, and Specialized IT studies.
  • Non-Consultancy    Services:    This   is   for   the “Muscle Power.” Logistics, Facility Management, Security, IT Support, Outsourcing of routine maintenance, and Training.

The market is huge. The Armed Forces are looking to shed non-core activities. They want to outsource logistics, IT management, and facility operations so soldiers can focus on fighting. Chapter 12 is the green light to make that happen.

3.  Stability: The Shift to Long-Term Outsourcing

Ad-hoc contracts are a nightmare for business planning. You can’t hire staff if you don’t know if the contract will exist in six months.

DPM 2025 explicitly promotes the Outsourcing of Services on a long-term basis. This means the MoD is moving towards multi-year contracts with defined Service Level Agreements (SLAs). For an MSME, this translates to predictable revenue streams and the confidence to invest in scaling up your team.

4.  The ‘Single Source’ Exception

Have a niche capability that no one else has?

Previously, we had to force a “multi-vendor situation” even if it didn’t make sense. Now, Chapter 12 provides a clear, codified path for Single Source Selection (Nomination). If you can justify that you are the only firm with the requisite expertise for a highly specialized task, the system now has a mechanism to hire you directly without the theatre of a generic tender.

The Catch: The “Paper” Wall

The opportunity is massive, but let me be clear: The process is rigorous.

Because we are moving away from L1, the scrutiny on the Technical Bid is intense. To win under QCBS, your proposal needs to be flawless.

• Your Statement of Case (SoC) must prove the necessity.
  • Your Terms of Reference (ToR) must be watertight to avoid scope creep.
  • Your response to the Technical Evaluation Criteria must be mapped to the specific operational needs of the user.

Writing these documents is harder than selling a product. You aren’t just selling a spec sheet; you are selling a solution.

This is where an experienced Veteran would help you.

The government wants to buy your services, but you need to know how to sell them on paper. Experienced Veterans can help companies draft the Terms of Reference and Proposals that align with these new DPM statutes, ensuring your expertise gets the score it deserves.

The door to the Defence Service Sector is finally open. Don’t stand outside just because you don’t know how to knock.

Let’s get to work.

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India’s Defence Budget 2026-2027

In her 85-minute speech to present the 2026-2027 Union Budget, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman (9th consecutive budget presentation), did not specifically mention defence allocations/defence-specific initiatives, but took time to mention exemption for disability pensions. Other variations were; instead of her photo-op of making halwa before the presentation, she being fed curd and sugar by President Murmu, and invoking birthday of Guru Ravidas at the beginning of her speech – part of the campaign to woo Dalit votes.

The defence allocation (excluding pensions) for FY 2026-27 is INR 6,13,340 crore (USD 67.03 billion); allocation towards capital expenditure is INR 2,19,306 crore (USD 23.9 billion) and revenue expenditure allocation is INR 3,65,479 crore (USD 39.9 billion). This is rated a 15.18% increase over FY 2025–26 (BE), although inflation and fall of the rupee versus dollar tell a different figure. The accent is on capital outlay surging by 22%, compared to 17% surge in revenue expenditure for operational readiness, troop sustenance and logistics.

About 37% of the INR 1,71,338 crore for defence pensions goes to civilian defence employees and finance ministry personnel on deputation to the Ministry of Defence (MoD). Overall defence allocation is 1.997% (just short of 2%) although higher than FY 2025-2026 when it was at 1.91%. This 1.997% of GDP defence allocation is the highest-ever by any BJP government; in the instant case considered adequate to cope with the China-Pakistan threat; while China’s estimated defence budget for 2026 is projected to be approximately USD 542.7 billion.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh chickened out when asked by the then Army Chief MM Naravane in 2020 for orders against advancing PLA tanks in Eastern Ladakh. Caught on the wrong foot in Parliament now, Rajnath wants the book to be produced, knowing full-well its publication was stopped by the government. Isn’t he aware government took this action after excerpts of the book were released in media by the publisher in 2023; indicating political pusillanimity, with Rajnath claiming he had spoken to the prime minister? A habitual liar, Rajnath even told Parliament that 28 organizations were consulted before imposing the Agnipath scheme – did these include the ISI and MSS?

In 2023, EAM S Jaishankar, chief architect of covering up China’s land grab in Eastern Ladakh, publicly said, “Look, they (China) are the bigger economy. What am I going to do? As a smaller economy, I am going to pick up a fight with the bigger economy? It is not a question of being reactionary, it’s a question of common sense.”. But why did Jaishankar advise Prime Minister Modi to say Koi Na Aya, Koi Na Ghusa, and prompted Rajnath to say, “Not even an inch of territory lost”?

But Jaishankar is right about China’s bigger economy; with analysts noting China’s USD 30 trillion economy slowdown doesn’t guarantee Indian economy will match before the middle of the century, if at all; India would need to grow consistently at 8% annually over the next 25 years while China grows at a glacial 2%, which is unlikely. Can we. stop bragging about out a USD 4 trillion economy – especially when 1% of our population holds over 40% of India’s wealth and our GDP per capita is USD 2.818, compared to China’s USD 13.806?

The emphasis on capital acquisitions in this budget should also be seen in the backdrop of 1.8 lakh manpower shortages in Indian Armed Forces – 1 lakh in the Army alone. News indicates youth from Punjab are not joining the Army and plans are afoot to make upthe manpower shortages of Gorkha Regiment by including Kumaoinis/Garhwalis. But the political apex refuses to acknowledge that youth are charry to join as Agniveers with an uncertain future, despite assurances some would be later absorbed in CAPF, or serve as security guards with political parties or corporates. The fact that Agniveers are made to join the 1.4 million Indian Armed Forces but not the 2.16 million civil, armed and special police forces speaks volumes; is the military a necessary evil?

In July 2019, Nirmala Sitharaman, when questioned about the finance ministry decision to tax disability pension of military personnel, put the onus on the Army. This JNU-product is a darling of the deep-state also because she managed to grab a huge amount of defence land. Report of the Justice LN Reddy (One-Man Judicial Committee) on OROP, which favoured the military, has been in the freezer since its submission in October 2016. But when a veteran colonel raised a question about OROP during Nirmala Sitharaman’s pre-election rally in early 2019, she shouted him down, screeching and gesticulating; her photo of that moment appeared in newspapers (inset). Little wonder social media calls her “Bulbul-e-Hindostan” – in short ‘Bulbul’ or India’s Nightingale.  

Sitharaman now wants to terminate income tax benefits on disability pensions for all but “boarded out” – ostensibly due to misuse of exemption (sic). Do you disarm a force if there is a case of fratricide? A veteran-strategist calls it a wholesale retreat from honour, and by narrowing the definition of those “worthy” of support, the government has effectively abandoned thousands of soldiers who sacrificed their physical well-being in the line of duty.

An excellent write up on the withdraw of Income Tax exemption to all but those boarded out.

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE NATION

" Devaluation of Sacrifice and the Death of the Moral Contract"

To
The Citizens of India,
The Military Leadership,
The Policy Makers of this…

— Brig V Mahalingam (@BrigMahalingam) February 2, 2026

But this gutter-level move is in the backdrop of freebies galore to influence votes, purchasing votes before elections; INR 10,000 to every woman of Bihar and now Assam CM Sarma announcing INR 8,000 to every woman in Assam – are women in Assam inferior to the ones in Bihar? In any case, no one will know how many women received or did not receive this amount. Then there are central funds, including some not audited, with on-line distribution, the actual execution of which can hardly be fully monitored. Bulbul hasn’t mentioned the amount involved in disability pension exemptions, and whether the savings will create another 100 smart cities. Of the 1.4 billion Indians only about 5% (including Armed Forces personnel) pay income tax, and after poodle-faking for 12 years, she is now talking of widening the tax base?

The talk of cutting red-tape and ease of business has been on for several years. CDS Gen Anil Chauhan, himself in MoD and member of the Defence Acquisition Council, urged the defence industry at the 2025 Chanakya Defence Dialogue to be truthful about capabilities and deliver at globally competitive costs on time, saying, “We have problems like our procurement procedures are so slow, that it is difficult to imbibe technology at the rate the Armed Forces would want to.” Is the CDS as helpless as a wet kitten?

The focus on MSMEs, new funds/schemes etc is good. But India had over six crore (60 million) MSMEs registered in early 2025, of which only about 40% received bank credit. With the sector under stress, over 35,000 MSMEs shut down in FY 2024-25 and 75,000+ in the last five years. Does this bode well for India? Isn’t it a shame that the government used only 5% funds in FY 2025-2026 allocated for employment and job skilling?

R&D directly relates to national security and India’s rise and development. But Sitharaman didn’t give any figures for R&D investment, present or planned. India spends about 0.6%-0.7% of its GDP on R&D, compared to over 2.4% by China and over 3.5% by the US. 2024-2025 data showed total R&D investment by India, China and the US was USD 17 billion. USD 496 billion and USD 886 billion respectively. This despite India being the 4th largest economy globally, and soon to become 3rd as mentioned by Modi. Moreover, India’s private sector contributes only 36% to R&D, compared to over 70% by the US, China and Germany, while India writes of bank loans the Corporate because they fund elections. With roughly 26% of global R&D output, Beijing enjoys an overwhelming edge in new age warfare; drone swarms, electronic warfare, quantum decryption, and the like.

Amid the deafening talk of Atmanirbhar Bharat, what is happening in terms of defence and national security? Nobel Laureate David Gros, speaking at the Quantum India Bengaluru Summit 2025, said “You can’t just ‘Make in India’ by using science done elsewhere”; emphasizing India must “discover, invent, and then make”; increase R&D and promote a culture of scientific inquiry, not rely on foreign technology, also pointing out lack of enabling infrastructure preventing India’s vast talent from leading in global scientific progress.

What are we up to?

• Over the last decade plus, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) periodically pointed out excessive time delays by DRDO, sub-standard products, many priced more than the same category available off-the-shelf, and lack of accountability. But the reorganization of DRDO continues to drag on.
• A CAG report tabled in Parliament (December 2025) pointed out 72% Army contracts under emergency procurement (EP) not delivered within stipulated time and deviations regularising violating procurement processes/rules.
• Another CAG report labelled combat free-fall parachutes, developed by DRDO at a cost of INR 10.75 crores over 13 years and claimed successful, failures and “seriously life threatening”.
• An article in ‘Swarajya’ details how India is “botching” its military worse than the US.
• The article ‘After 10-Year Delay, India Set To Import German AIP Submarines In $8 Billion Deal; Setback For Atmanirbhar Bharat’ points out how six submarines for Project 75I could have been indigenously developed by Larsen and Toubro instead of importing German technology.
• At the 2025 Chanakya Defence Dialogue, the CDS doubted the percentage of indigenous content under ‘Make -in-India, which in many cases perhaps only amounts to “assembling” foreign products with minor tinkering. But what takes the cake is the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft under development will forever remain hostage to foreign blockages which amounts to outsourcing national security. So much for Atmanirbhar Bharat.

Why should the finance minister worry, if the defence minister is not? As to how “progressive” is the 2026-2027 budget presented by Nirmala Sitharaman, readers would do well to read the article by her JNU-mate at the following link.

The author is an Indian Army veteran. Views expressed are personal.

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Goldmine In DPM 2025: How MSMEs Can Build for the Military And Get Paid To Do It

For over three decades, I sat on the “other side” of the table. I’ve evaluated countless proposals, sat through endless technical presentations, and unfortunately, watched brilliant engineering ideas from Indian MSMEs die a slow death.

Why? Not because the technology was bad. But because the procurement process was designed for buying, not building. It was rigid, risk-averse, and frankly, intimidating.

But something has changed. And if you are an aerospace manufacturer, a defence startup, or a deep-tech MSME, you need to sit up and pay attention.

The Ministry of Defence has released the Defence Procurement Manual (DPM) 2025. While most people are skimming through the standard clauses, there is a hidden gem that changes the entire landscape of Revenue Procurement: Chapter 10.

For the first time, the Indian Armed Forces aren’t just looking for vendors; they are looking for partners. Here is why DPM 2025 is a goldmine for your business—and how you can claim your share.

1.  The ‘Suo Moto’ Revolution: Don’t Wait to be Asked

In the past, you had to wait for a Request for Proposal (RFP) or a tender. You were reactive. If we didn’t ask for it, you couldn’t sell it.

Clause 10.9 shatters that barrier. It introduces the ‘Suo Moto’ proposal.

This means you don’t have to wait for the Armed Forces to release a tender. If you have identified a part, a sub-system, or a technology that is currently being imported, you can proactively approach the Directorate of Indigenisation with a proposal to make it in India. You pitch the solution, and if it meets the requirement, the process starts. You are now the driver, not just a passenger.

2.  Cash Flow is King (And We Finally Get It)

I know the biggest killer for MSMEs is working capital. You can’t eat “potential orders.” You need cash to buy raw materials and run R&D.

DPM 2025 addresses this head-on. Under Clause 10.15.3, the government can now release up to 30% Advance Payment against a bank guarantee for development projects.

Even better? There is No Earnest Money Deposit (EMD) required for these development contracts. The system is finally acknowledging that your money should go into engineering, not locked up in bank guarantees before you’ve even started.

3.  Removal of Risk: Punishment is Out, Partnership is In

Development is messy. Prototypes fail. Timelines stretch. In the old days, if you were late, you were hit with Liquidated Damages (LD)—penalties that could wipe out your profit margin. It made R&D too risky for smaller players.

Chapter 10 changes the rules. Clause 10.18.1 explicitly allows for the waiver of Liquidated Damages during the development phase. The MoD understands that R&D has inherent uncertainties. We are no longer here to punish you for the “trial” in “trial and error.”

4.  Guaranteed ROI: The 5-Year Promise

The nightmare scenario for any vendor is this: You spend two years developing a product, you prove it works, and then… the government issues a new open tender, and someone else undercuts you by ₹10.

That fear ends now. Clause 10.18.1 provides for an Initial Order Quantity (IOQ) to be placed immediately upon successful development. More importantly, it allows for Long Term Procurement from the successful developer for up to 5 years without re-tendering.

This is your Return on Investment. If you build it and it works, you are the supplier. Period.

The Bottom Line

The government has laid out the red carpet. The policy (DPM 2025) is revolutionary, the intent (Atmanirbhar Bharat) is clear, and the funding is available.

However, let me offer a word of caution. While the policy is new, the process—the Statement of Case, the commercial bid structure, the Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) negotiations—remains complex. A brilliant product can still be rejected if the proposal doesn’t speak the language of the Armed Forces HQ or fails to map the Operational Requirement (OR) correctly.

This is where the gap lies

You have the engineering capability. We the veterans have the operational insight.

Navigating this manual requires someone who understands both the cockpit and the conference room. A seasoned veteran who has managed these requirements from the inside, can help you translate your technical prowess into a winning, compliant Defence proposal.

Chapter 10 is the opportunity you’ve been waiting for. Don’t let it get lost in the paperwork. Let’s build something together.

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Gen Z: Russian Cinema for Zoomers in India

On January 29th, at the Twelfth Kolkata International Children’s Film Festival, ROSKINO, supported by the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, will present five Russian films as part of the Russian Film Days India 2026.

Kolkata International Children’s Film Festival presents fiction, animated, documentary and educational films from all over the world to wide children and teenagers’ audience to broaden the horizon for young viewers. This year, the festival will be held for 12th time across eight venues throughout the city of Kolkata.

The Russian film program at the festival:

• The Big Trip 3: Race Around the World (2024, directed by Vasily Rovensky)—the family-audience franchise continued. After his two big adventures, Mick-Mick the Bear dreams of having calm and predictable life surrounded by his family and bees. But his dream is hopeless. The long-awaited new addition to the family presents a new problem: the silly stork brings the wrong baby… again! To fix this, Mick-Mick launches on a new journey. But this time it’s not going to be that easy.

• Detective Chirp & the Golden Beehive (2022, directed by Grigory Vozhakin) is an animated story that won the next generation’s hearts both in Russia and abroad. The residents of the Honey Valley are preparing for their favorite holiday: the Town Day, when a unique artefact is displayed for everyone to see: the Golden Beehive. The legend has it that it was discovered by the founders of the Honey Valley, and it is said that the town will be showered by thousands of misfortunes if the hive disappears. Right before the holiday, the hive is stolen. And the main suspect is Chirp the Squirrel, Detective Sofi’s assistant. Chirp and his friends are now to unravel the case, find the true thief, and return the Golden Beehive, restoring peace in the Valley.
• The Dino Family (2025, directed by Maxim Volkov) is yet another successful show beloved by foreign guests of Russian film festivals. Schoolboy Phil Dino’s life is spiraling downward: his classmates laugh at him, girls don’t notice him, while his father embarrasses him with the family heritage: a paleontology museum forgotten by everyone. But it all flips around when Phil accidentally activates a portal to the Mesozoic. Now, he’s in for a dino challenge in the jungles in the company of a chatty velociraptor, his helicopter father, and the girl he likes at school. It seems that the time has come for Phil to realize that belonging to the Dino family is not so bad.
• Don’t Mess with Baba Yaga (2025, directed by Alexander Voytinsky) is a kind and magical comedy starring Svetlana Khondchenkova. When ten-year-old Petya gets a new nanny—strange, grumpy, yet incredibly charming—he’s fast to grasp that she’s not like everyone else. She became a nanny to go undercover, while she is actually Baba Yaga, the legendary magician who lost her mortar and hid among people. Now, it’s up for Petya alone to help her to get her magic powers back. In return, she teaches the boy to fly. Not just in her mortal—in his everyday life, too.
• Finnick 2 (2025, directed by Denis Chernov) the continued story about the charming house boogie Finnick and his friends’ adventures. It’s been a year since Finnick and Christina successfully prevented a threat to the city. An absurd accident makes Finnick lose invisibility, which puts the whole house boogie kind’s existence in jeopardy. Besides, a dangerous hunter named Eugene is now after Finnick himself. The friends are to go on an incredible journey to find a magical staff that can help them fix everything.

It has become an annual tradition for ROSKINO, with support from the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, to conduct two-way events—big-scale Russian Film Festivals in India and Indian Film Festivals in Russia—and organize Russian film screenings and Russia’s regular participation at Indian festivals.

For example, on December 5^th to 7^th, New Delhi witnessed
the big-scale Russian Film Festival, dedicated to the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin’s visit to India, with its full houses of viewers who came to watch outstanding modern films, Q&A sessions with filmmakers and stars, and a business program.

Moreover, in December 2025, the Indian capital hosted the screening of films that participated in the Diamond Butterfly Open Eurasian Film Award organized by the Russian Culture Fund with support the Ministry of Culture of Russia and participation of ROSKINO.

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