India’s Reverse Cha-Cha-Cha

India’s foreign policy continues to do Cha-Cha-Cha in reverse gear – one step forward, two steps back. There is much emphasis on learning from the past, but we forgot Chanakya’s mantra of Saam, Daam, Dand, Bhed, wherein Gadhey Ko Mama Bolna Chahiye (call the donkey “Uncle”)) when needed, be it Tom, Jerry or Donald Trump. Before Prime Minister Narendra Modi went to the US to attend the Quad Summit chaired by then POTUS Joe Biden, Trump announced “friend” Modi will come to see him. But Modi avoided him, which ignited Trump’s tail. Then came the missing call to Donkey Uncle.

Pakistan “bought” Trump despite India being the fourth largest global economy, even though our debt repayment is becoming difficult with 40%+ taxpayers’ money going into repayments.

Social media is awash with India cocking a snook at Trump’s 500+ tariffs threat because we are signing FTA with multiple countries. Then why has India’s import of Russian crude dropped 29% month-to-month, recording lowest ever in December 2025? Now the Reliance Group is to buy oil from Venezuela in USD, eating further into our reserves and Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnav attended a rare mineral meeting in the US. American weapons and weapon platforms continue to be imported despite proven unreliability of the US. A billion-dollar plus deal for F-404 engines is only for 80% technology transfer, not 100%. In Trump’s first presidency, we gave up on cheaper and next-door Iranian oil and now we are scared to take the Russian offer of Su-57 with full technology transfer under Make in India – going for more expensive Rafales (bigger kickbacks)? A tweet by Dr. Brahma Chellaney, says..

What does it say about India’s Reliance group — owned by Mukesh Ambani, the country’s wealthiest man — that it is among the first foreign entities to line up to buy Venezuelan oil effectively seized by the United States? By pursuing this trade, Reliance is implicitly recognizing…

— Dr. Brahma Chellaney (@Chellaney) January 11, 2026

An Indo-American view is that India lost Trump to Pakistan not only because  Modi not telephoning Trump, and Trump’s idiocies, but also because: one, Vinay Kwatra was posted as India’s ambassador to the US despite his dismal performance in Bangladesh; two, tackling the Donald Trump Administration was left to EAM S Jaishankar and his son Dhruva Jaishankar who is influencing India’s foreign policy.

India’s appeasement of the US is in the backdrop of Indian politicians settling their children in the west. Dr. Jaishankar’s son Dhruva and daughter Medha are US citizens living in the US. NSA Ajit Doval’s son Vivek is a British citizen, living in Singapore, and director of the ‘GNY Asia Fund’; registered 13 days after Modi announced demonetisation in November 2016. There are allegations of potential conflicts of interest and links to increased FDI from Cayman Islands after demonetisation. Of Piyush Goel’s two children, one is settled in Washington DC. These are only few examples.

US ambassador to India Sergio Gor posted on X: “A quick update: @SecRubio Just concluded a positive call with @DrSJaishankar.  They discussed next steps regarding our bilateral trade negotiations, critical minerals and a possible meeting next month.” So, we are looking for a critical mineral deal with the US (like Pakistan) while importing REEs from China! Fearing Trump, no defence deal was announced during the recent 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit at New Delhi. Expect the same meek approach (submitting to trade in Dollars) when India chairs the 2026 BRICS Summit: with Jaishankar already announcing focus on ‘humanity-first’ strategy to promote global welfare.  What humanity first when India lacks guts to condemn severe human right violations against women by Taliban and genocide in Gaza with 71,000+ Palestinians killed and attacks continuing?

Europe, with its Nazi-cum-neo-Nazi culture, will continue to be part of Washington’s kennel club. Witness German Chancellor Friedrich Merz raised the issue of India importing Russian oil during his recent trip to India. With total focus on trade, FTA’s are sought sans “any other” consideration.  After economic offender Lalit Modi jeered India, the MEA says “will bring back all fugitives” by 2047? Several economic fugitives have origins/companies in Gujarat, and many like Nirav Modi and Vijay Mallya, are in the UK. So why didn’t we link their extradition with the FTA when India and the UK have an Extradition Treaty effective since 1993? Is this deliberate act being deflected by the election stunt of getting back the Kohinoor?

India’s backflip from a feigned stand against China, to prostrating is even more amusing. Gone is India’s demand for return to the 2020 pre-April territorial status and troop deployment by both sides in Eastern Ladakh. Shaksgam Valley is in the spotlight presently, but PLA deployments in Shaksgam and improving infrastructure has been ongoing for years. A new Chinese road entering Shaksgam through Aghil Pass, and a Pakistani road connecting Muzaffarabad to Mustagh Pass on the border with Shaksgam, and linking beyond to Yarkand in China was  in the works. China plans to open a front for Siachen from the North through Shaksgam and through Turkistan La.  Now China has unambiguously claimed that Shaksgam Valley is Chinese territory, coinciding with a vice minister–led Chinese delegation visiting BJP headquarters in New Delhi. Chinese help to Pakistan during Operation ‘Sindoor’, which resulted in multiple IAF aircraft losses on day one are forgotten! Reports of India planning to remove all restrictions on Chinese investments and businesses would obviously be implemented soon.

 Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi rubbishing Chinese claim to Shaksgam has no meaning, when Jaishankar and Doval lack guts to say this face-to-face to China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi and other Chinese officials.  Presently, 100-120 Pakistani terrorists are poised to  infiltrate into India. There eight active terror camps in Pakistan; six across the LoC and two across the IB. Why are we not at least hitting the launch pads and terrorist camps across the LoC? Are we afraid of Pakistani response? Does the Army still have the so-called free hand? Should we borrow political will from Israel?

Covering up the government’s pusillanimity is amusing. One Sheikh Chilli claims India got back 1,000 sq km territory from China.

Another post says Indian Army has regained patrolling rights to 982 sq km in Depsang (Eastern Ladakh)  of territory lost to China in 1962, and gained access to 56 sq km in Demchok.  Question in social media is should Jaishankar/Doval or both be given Padma Award for this?

The Indian Army has gained patrolling rights to ~982 sq kms of territory in the Eastern Depsang area of Eastern Ladakh area that India lost to China in the 1962 War.

Also India gained access to ~56 sq kms of territory in the Demchok area of Eastern Ladakh. pic.twitter.com/cyd724RkOi

— Levi Nagawkar (@Levi_Nagawkar) January 11, 2026

The fact is India was patrolling these areas before China redrew the LAC in Eastern Ladakh in 2020: we then lost control of 26 out of 65 Patrolling Points (PPs). After two years plus of denying access to Indian patrols, the  2024 India-China Border Patrol Agreement was signed; restoring patrolling rights in Depsang (not entire Eastern Ladakh). This agreement underscored territorial claims of both countries, this too with following caveats: Indian patrols to be on foot or horseback, not vehicle-borne; both sides to info each other through hotline at least 24 hrs prior to the patrol; one PP can be visited in a month by both sides. So, no area has been retrieved, which we lost in 2020 and China continues to call the shots; allowing access to our patrols with conditions. PLA continues to consolidate in their new locations. China was constructing a border village in Demchok bang on the LAC, which must be competed now. There is no change in the areas of Galwan, Hot Spring and Pangong Tso. On the north bank of Pangong Tso, India is left with one solitary post between Fingers 2 and 3, but we cannot patrol eastwards as before, while PLA has positioned tanks at Finger 10 and the metalled road linking it to Finger 3 is intact.   

Who the prime minister’s advisors are is ambiguous. Modi wrote to the UAE to lift the ban on the movie ‘Dhurandhar’ although the movie is banned in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, the UAE and Pakistan. This indicates the limited influence India has, while we boast of leading the Global South. As if on a cue, Gen Dwivedi visited a Hindu temple during an official visit to the UAE, although he avoided visiting the Pashupatinath Temple when he went to Nepal.    

Can we shut the door to the US, withdraw from Quad, saying we will reconsider when America behaves and its reliability is established? Apparently no, even though some European countries are reconsidering their ties with the US. We should have occupied Karakoram Pass when China invaded Eastern Ladakh in 2020, but instead, we meekly vacated the Kailash range in our own territory. How long will India be unable to stand up to China and the US; although spin doctors will depict Trump and Xi kowtowing to Modi. With India opening the floodgates for China (ignoring all aspects of security), there is a view that India should immediately convene a RIC meeting at New Delhi, sending a strong signal to Trump. But Trump could then cancel the US citizenship of children of Jaishankar, Doval, Goyal and other Indian politicians, and boot them out, since he plans to cancel the citizenship of even naturalized US citizens.

A “smart” strategy would have been treating the Chinese delegation at BJP headquarters to gau mutra (cow urine), making them join Shri Mahakal Mahotsav/Magh Mela 2026@Prayagraj, and bathe in the holy waters. This could have made China shut its evil eye on Arunachal, return Aksai Chin and Shaksgam to us, and even plan on vacating Tibet.

The author is an Indian army veteran. Views expressed are personal.

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Continuing Airworthiness Management Organisation (CAMO): The Heart-and-Soul of Airline Safety & Efficiency

In the complex ecosystem of airline operations, safety, reliability and cost‐control hinge on far more than just the flight crew or the visible engineering teams on the tarmac. At the core of this is the CAMO – the organisation responsible for continuing airworthiness of the fleet. Whether a scheduled airline or a non-scheduled operator (NSOP), a robust CAMO is vital. It is the heart and soul of the airline’s aircraft availability, regulatory compliance, asset integrity and ultimately the success or failure of the operation.

This article examines why CAMO matters so much, how oversight failures can lead to catastrophic consequences, how best-in-class CAMOs deliver value and finally provides a proposed ranking structure for CAMOs in India (scheduled vs non-scheduled vs FTO) to help benchmark performance and best practices within the aviation industry.

What CAMO Actually Does

At its most basic, CAMO stands for Continuing Airworthiness Management Organisation. Its core functions include:

• Developing and implementing the maintenance programme for each aircraft, aligned to the aircraft type certificate-holder requirements and regulator (e.g., Directorate General of Civil Aviation India (DGCA), European Union Aviation Safety Agency (EASA)).
• Monitoring fleet reliability, analysing defect trends, and ensuring corrective action is taken (especially for recurrent faults).
• Ensuring all airworthiness directives (ADs), service bulletins (SBs), modifications, maintenance data are incorporated and complied with.
• Overseeing the maintenance providers (Part 145 organisations), subcontractors, ensuring the aircraft configuration control, and ensuring the continuation of airworthiness certificates.
• Ensuring that records, documentation, traceability, safety management system (SMS) practices are in place.

In short: CAMO ensures that an aircraft remains airworthy for each flight, over its lifetime, and that the airline meets its regulatory obligations. Without a strong CAMO, an airline is metaphorically flying blind.

Aircraft Under Maintenance In Hangar (Image credits: Adobe)

Why CAMO Is So Critical for Airlines

1. Safety & Risk Mitigation
   A small oversight by CAMO – missed AD, unmonitored recurring fault, improper configuration control – can cascade into a major in-flight incident. As the adage goes: “the aircraft is safe only as long as the airworthiness chain is unbroken.” For example, recurrent faults that are not addressed properly by the CAMO’s defect control system can undermine the entire maintenance programme.
2. Operational Reliability & Asset Utilisation
   Airlines depend on high aircraft utilisation. CAMO contributes by optimising scheduled checks, ensuring minimal AOG (Aircraft on Ground) events, proper planning of maintenance slots, predictive analytics for wear and tear. As research shows, forecasting models in maintenance help avoid downtime and part shortages.
3. Regulatory Compliance
   In India, for example, the DGCA found 263 safety-related lapses at Indian carriers in one annual audit. Some of these lapses trace back to ineffective airworthiness oversight, in which the CAMO function plays a central role.
4. Cost Control
   Proper CAMO practices reduce unscheduled maintenance, avoid regulatory fines, reduce component wear, optimise labour and parts. A strong CAMO is a major contributor to the airline’s bottom line – especially in an environment of intense cost pressure.
5. Brand & Reputation
   A serious airworthiness incident reflects poorly on the operator’s brand, has insurance and regulatory consequences, and can cause major long-term damage. The CAMO is the first line of defence.

Where Oversight Failures Have Cost Big Time

Here are a few cases that underline the stakes for CAMO.

• Alaska Airlines Flight 261 (2000): A loss of control due to improper lubrication and failed maintenance of the jackscrew assembly. The oversight of the maintenance programme and follow-up by airworthiness management was lacking.
• Chalk’s Ocean Airways Flight 101 (2005): Structural failure due to undetected fatigue cracks which persisted because the airline’s maintenance programme failed to address long-term structural problems. The CAMO oversight of ageing aircraft was weak.
• Recurring Fault Oversight: The article “The Importance of Addressing Recurrent Aircraft Defects” emphasises that CAMO must monitor, analyse and investigate recurrent faults-failure to do so jeopardises safety.
• Indian Airlines Safety Audit (2025): The DGCA audit found widespread lapses at Indian carriers; many of these relate to airworthiness oversight, documentation and compliance areas under CAMO purview.

These examples show that when CAMO fails to deliver, consequences can be catastrophic loss of life, regulatory action, financial ruin.

When Vigilant CAMO Saved Lives & Cash

On the flip side, many airlines credit their high-performing CAMO functions with averting major incidents, reducing cost and ensuring aircraft availability. While detailed public case studies are fewer (due to confidentiality), the following generic observations illustrate the point:

• A CAMO that instituted real-time defect trending discovered a pattern of hydraulic pump failures on one fleet type. By acting early, modifying the maintenance schedule and monitoring spares supply proactively, it avoided multiple AOGs, each of which would have cost the airline hundreds of thousands of dollars per day.
• An airline CAMO that implemented a digital documentation system (ensuring no missed ADs or SBs) recorded zero AD-related non-compliances over two years versus industry-average rates of 1-2 %. That translated into regulatory compliance, lower insurance premiums, and improved reliability.
• A CAMO with strong configuration control identified mismatched part serial numbers on a component during an airworthiness review; the part was grounded before entry into service in India, preventing a potential in-flight failure scenario.

These successes highlight that CAMO, when structured, resourced and empowered properly, becomes a centre of value creation not merely cost.

Key Enablers of a High-Performing CAMO

To implement a world-class CAMO, airlines (and non-schedule operators) should focus on:

• Clear organisational structure & governance: Including a Nominated Post Holder – Continuing Airworthiness (NPCA) with direct line to senior management.
• Robust maintenance programmes: Aligned with manufacturer and regulator requirements, reviewed periodically.
• Reliability and defect management systems: Analytics on rejection rates, trend monitoring, root-cause investigation.
• Data & digital systems: For configuration control, documentation, AD/SB tracking, digital logs.
• Linkage with operations and engineering: CAMO must not be siloed; it needs operational awareness of utilisation, defects, mission profiles.
• Competence & training: Personnel with regulatory, engineering, maintenance knowledge; continuous training in human factors, SMS.
• Proactive audit & review: Internal and external audits, self-assessment, performance indicators (e.g., AOG rate, AD compliance, off-wing defects).
• Change management & culture: Encouraging reporting, transparency, learning from near misses.

As one industry-paper emphasised: “We are not getting value out of our airworthiness reviews” unless the CAMO function is well-resourced and empowered.

Ranking Structure for CAMOs: India Context

To encourage benchmarking and drive continuous improvement, the following proposed ranking structure for CAMOs in India may be adopted. These are illustrative and subjective; actual performance must be measured via KPIs.

Scheduled Airline CAMOs

Rank	Tier	Characteristics / KPIs
Tier 1	Best in class	Zero major findings in audits, high aircraft availability (>95 %), AD/SB compliance 100%, strong reliability trend performance
Tier 2	Good	Some minor findings, aircraft availability 90-95 %, minor AD non-compliance corrected promptly
Tier 3	Developing	Frequent audit findings, high unscheduled maintenance, availability <90%

Non-Scheduled Airline (NSOP) CAMOs

Rank	Tier	Characteristics / KPIs
Tier A	Excellent	Strong engineering/airworthiness infrastructure, proven reliability, minimal regulatory findings
Tier B	Adequate	Some deficiencies, manageable reliability performance, moderate oversight
Tier C	Basic / High Risk	Frequent issues, reactive maintenance model, poor documentation/tracking

Flight Training Organisation (FTO) CAMOs

FTO CAMOs face unique challenges (diverse fleet types, high utilisation, trainees). Ranking could be:

• Premier FTO CAMO: Certified mint performance, very low airworthiness issues, effective maintenance planning.
• Standard FTO CAMO: Acceptable record, some findings but managed.
• Emerging FTO CAMO: Needs support, multiple maintenance or oversight gaps.

*Note: Specific airline names omitted to avoid unfair ranking without full data.

Future Outlook & Imperatives

• Digital Transformation: CAMOs must harness analytics, predictive maintenance, IoT sensors to shift from reactive to proactive. The research confirms that tailored maintenance strategies deliver ~13% cost savings over generic approaches.
• Global Benchmarking: Indian CAMOs should benchmark against global best practices (EASA, FAA) and leverage standardised processes.
• Regulatory Emphasis: With audits uncovering hundreds of lapses, regulators will focus more on CAMO performance airlines must be ready.
• Talent & Culture: As fleets grow and technology becomes more complex (eVTOL, hybrid models), CAMO staff must evolve – not only technically but culturally toward continuous improvement.
• Integration with Operations: The CAMO must not be a standalone function – it must be fully integrated with demand planning, operations, engineering and safety management.

To Summarize

For any airline – scheduled or non-scheduled, the continuing airworthiness management organisation is not a peripheral function; it is central to everything. It is the heartbeat that ensures the fleet flies, meets regulatory standards, performs reliably and costs are contained. The examples of oversight failures prove how quickly things can go wrong. Equally, the success stories show how CAMO can save lives, money and reputation.

If you are an airline executive, maintenance director or part of the airworthiness team, the message is clear: invest in, empower, and prioritise your CAMO. Because when your CAMO is strong, your airline structure becomes resilient, efficient and future-ready. Treat your CAMO not as a cost centre, but as a strategic enabler and you elevate safety, performance and profitability.

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Quarter Century of Tejas, India’s Light Combat Aircraft (LCA)

Inaugurating the two-day national seminar ‘Aeronautics 2047’ organised by the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA), commenced at Centre for Airborne Systems (CABS), Bengaluru on January 04, 2026, Chief of the Air Staff Air Marshal AP Singh said meeting commitment schedules was critical at a time when the operational environment was rapidly evolving and requirements of the Indian Air Force (IAF) were growing, even as he congratulated ADA on the completion of 25 years of Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Tejas. ‘Aeronautics 2047’ was also to trace the journey of LCA Tejas from early design sketches to operational squadrons, The LCA Mk-1A, an advanced variant of Tejas, is expected to serve as a key platform for meeting the IAFs operational requirements.

The LCA MK-2 and the naval variant are currently under development. Secretary, Department of Defence Research and Development, and Chairman of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Dr Samir V Kamat stressed the importance of developing indigenous technology to reduce dependence on imports. This, he said, was central to achieving the vision of Viksit Bharat.

The IAF has been facing a severe shortage of fighter squadrons – now just about equalling the Pakistan Air Force (PAF). This is not the first time the Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal ACM AP Singh has publicly raised the issue of slippage in the delivery schedule of LCA Tejas. Amid these continuing serious concerns of the IAF regarding fighter squadron shortages and delays in LCA Tejas deliveries, which has a direct bearing on national security, Dr Samir Kamat  has now assured that even as HAL Tejas LCA Mk-1A is in the early stages of induction into the IAF, both the fifth-generation Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) and LCA Tejas Mark-II are on schedule.

Speaking on the sidelines of an event to mark the 25 years of the LCA Tejas flight programme, Kamat said, “LCA has been a marvellous journey. Now this aircraft is inducted. Now our focus is on the Mark-II variant of LCA and AMCA. Both these programs are now on schedule, and we hope to deliver our commitment to the Indian Air Force.” The first flight of Mark-II, according to him, is expected to happen in June-July 2026, and AMCA is likely to be rolled out by the end of 2028. The first flight of the aircraft may happen by early 2029. He said AMCA, being a fifth-generation aircraft, will have several new technologies. “It’s a stealth aircraft, so several new technologies will come in with AMCA,” he was quoted as saying.

According to Kamat, the decision to target the June–July 2026 window for the first flight of Tejas Mk II is based on rigorous internal assessments regarding design finalisation, subsystem integration, and pre-flight clearances. If this schedule is met, it will mark a pivotal moment for Indian military aviation. The LCA Mk2 is not merely an upgrade but a substantial evolution over the existing Tejas Mk1/Mk1A variants. Often referred to as a Medium Weight Fighter (MWF), the Mk2 is designed with a Maximum Take-Off Weight (MTOW) of 17.5 tonnes, significantly heavier than the 13.5-ton Mk1A. It will be powered by the robust General Electric F414-INS6 engine, generating 98 kN of thrust, and will feature close-coupled canards for improved manoeuvrability. This platform is envisioned as the bridge to India’s future fifth-generation fighter programmes, such as the AMCA.

It is no secret that the major reason for delay in the Tejas program is the inordinate delivery of aeroengines by GE. It would be naïve to believe that this was due to reasons beyond the control of GE. For months our media has been talking of GE transferring 100% technology of the F-404 engine to India; which obviously was fake propaganda.  The latest now is that GE and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) is expected to finalize the F414 Engine technology transfer deal by March 2026, and the first indigenous unit targeted by 2029. According to sources close to the development, negotiations for the prospective USD 1.5 billion contract have been concluded, establishing a framework for an unprecedented 80% Transfer of Technology (ToT). Once approved by both governments, a process anticipated to complete within the first quarter of 2026, HAL is to  commence the phased absorption of critical manufacturing technologies; with the goal to establish a comprehensive domestic ecosystem for building, servicing, and sustaining these advanced propulsion systems.

The Cabinet Committee for Security (CCS) had approved the Tejas Mk2 program in September 2022, allocating nearly INR 10,000 crore for its development. However, this approval included a crucial condition. Prototype development would begin only after India achieved clarity on the jet engine partnership with the United States. Compare this with the ToT for the aeroengine yet to be signed – hopefully by March 2026. But the ToT is only for 80%, which implies the control will remain with the US. This does not inspire much confidence, with the delays in   delivery of F-404 previously signed and agreed to by GE (only five received?), as well as the inordinate delay in delivering Apache helicopters. While the negotiating team has reportedly committed USD 1.5 billion in the deal but with only 80% ToT the control will remain with the US; a country which is highly unreliable and can switch off anytime – the indirect Kill Switch.

Witness Donald Trump now lying that Prime Minister Narendra Modi asked “may I see you please” and then requested him for 68 Apache helicopters, which would be delivered on time. Trump has now threatened Inda with 500% tariffs for buying Russian oil. There is every reason to believe that the Trump Administration behind the Tejas jet crash at the Dubai Air Show in which the pilot Wing Commander Namansh Syal was killed. Trump’s attack on Venezuela, bombing of Caracas without declaration of war, abducting President Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores who was apparently tortured as is visible in this tweeted picture of hers, indicates Trump is Satan incarnate.

Screen grab of Cilia Flores vide tweet by @yasiragha1234 dtd 07 Jan 2026

The US, UK, Russia, France, and China are the primary nations with comprehensive, self-reliant jet engine industries for advanced fighters and commercial jets. In our case, development of the Kaveri engine, which began in 1986, has taken nearly 40 years and is suitable only for UAVs; it cannot power the Tejas. Compare this with the US, UK, Russia, France, and China having indigenous engines to power their advanced fighters and commercial jets. Britain’s jet fighter engine development took roughly a decade; operational deployment, with the Frank Whittle turbojet in 1930 and the first British jet, the ‘Gloster Meteor’, flying in 1943. The US developed its first viable jet fighter engines relatively quickly by adapting British designs, with GE running its first jet engine in about a year (1941-1942) after licensing Whittle’s technology. What is so special about these countries that we couldn’t do the same? Has this been by default or design – it certainly raises a stink.

In 1979, the Japanese ambassador to India, addressing the Defence Services Staff College at Wellington, said there was a time when Japan was nowhere in computers. So, the government called the scientists, industry, academia and said this is the money and place to work, we want to beat America in five years; Japan did it in three years. Aero Engines are far more complex than computers but shouldn’t that have been our approach rather than banking only on DRDO and the Kaveri engine?  

The  author is an Indian Army veteran. Views expressed are personal.

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The Challenge Of Cyber Theft And It’s Impact On National Security

Cyber intelligence is a strategic necessity in new-age warfare with nations using cyberspace to achieve political, economic, and military objectives without traditional physical conflict. Cyber intelligence allows military and national security agencies to see the unseen and connect the unconnected in a data-driven battlespace. Securing digital information is the cornerstone of national security; vulnerabilities in the digital infrastructure directly translate to national risk. 

Countries big and small are engaged in cyber intelligence and data theft. Many cyber-scam/hacker centres (some state-sponsored) are also involved in data theft. Thailand repatriated 270 Indians working in scam centres to India.

This could be why Thailand demolished the Lord Vishnu statue in Chong An Ma area, saying this was for security of the area amid border clashes with Cambodia and the statue   installed in 2014 was not registered or on an officially recognized religious site. But Cambodia claimed the statue was located within its territory on a legitimate religious site.

The US feared Chinese interference in the presidential elections on November 5, 2024. But a Wall Street Journal report gave details of Chinese hacker group ‘Salt Typhoon,’ linked to China’s Ministry of State Security, conducted extensive cyber-espionage operations targeting US telecommunication infrastructure, political figures (including JD Vance), and national security officials for more than eight months. Salt Typhoon’s infiltration of US telecom networks exploited vulnerabilities, even in patched systems, and enabled targeted surveillance of select high-value political and national security figures. The hackers also attempted to re-enter patched systems after being ejected from them by exploiting additional powerful vulnerabilities, some of which weren’t previously known to cybersecurity analysts. According to the Slovakia-based cybersecurity firm ‘ESET’, Salt Typhoon previously broke into government agencies and hotel networks worldwide, including in France, the UK, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Taiwan and Brazil, among other countries. US intelligence warned that China applies AI to stolen data to build social maps and dossiers on millions of Americans, showcasing an advanced mastery of cyber espionage.

According to a report in the Indian media, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) has decided to replace Microsoft Operating System (OS) in all its computers that can connect to the Internet with ‘Maya’, an indigenously developed Ubuntu-based OS, for preventing cyberattacks by cybercriminals. Maya is currently being rolled out only in MoD computers, not the three Services. The Navy has reportedly cleared Maya for use in its systems, while the  Army and the Air Force are still evaluating the software.  Maya is also backed by ‘Chakravyuh’ end point protection system.

The report goes on to say that Maya and Windows differ in cost and build. Microsoft sells easy to install Windows for a fee. Devices powered by Microsoft’s OS run on the Windows NT kernel; rather a hybrid kernel architecture – a microkernel design coupled with additional codes that help enhance performance. Apple’s MacOS also uses a hybrid kernel called XNU.  In contrast, Ubuntu, a Linux OS that was used to build Maya, runs on monolithic architecture. Linux versions are called “distributions” or “distro”, and they comprise free and open-source software. Androids are also based on the Linux kernel.

India’s switch to Ubuntu-based Maya OS comes at a time when cyberspace is increasingly becoming vulnerable to malware and ransomware attacks. In December 2020, cybersecurity firm FireEye (now rebranded ‘Trellix’) discovered a cyber spy campaign that compromised dozens of government agencies and private organizations in the US. Hackers found their way into the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), a unit within the Department of Homeland Security. This was found to have originated from Russia’s SVR, according to FireEye’s.

In another case, SolarWinds’ ‘Orion’, used by 3,00,000 customers globally, was used by hackers to plant malware masquerading as a software update from the company, with nearly 18,000 customers downloading the compromised software update. Microsoft’s own systems were breached in this attack. Such cyber threats arising from proprietary software are once again making governments globally to look at free and open-source software (FOSS) to develop their own OS. According to the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), 669 open-source policy initiatives were taken by governments around the world between 1999 and 2022.

China has been cyber-attacking India over the past several years. Chinese hackers are experts in operating botnets used in these attacks. Multiple attacks on networks include targeting organizations such as the National Security Council and defence and security establishments. But India has many more issues in terms of cyber-security. India’s dependence on Chinese electronic components, telecommunications, and equipment like CCTV pose a significant risk, as China could potentially carry out extensive sabotage at critical moments. Surveys show around 79% of Indian households have at least one Chinese electronic, and many owning multiple items like phones, LED bulbs, fans, TV, fridges and toys. India is also dependent on Chinese heavy machinery like tunnel boring machines for metro railway lines and the Ahmedabad-Mumbai Bullet Train project. India’s corporates enjoy the benefit of cheap Chinese components resulting in Chinese imports booming at USD 100 billion plus. India is allowing Chinese in the electronics sector, with officials saying Chinese vendors will not be allowed backdoor entry; which indicates poor understanding of how craftily China operates.

In October 2024, US-based firm ‘Recorded Future’ noticed that CCTV cameras in Taiwan and South Korea were digitally talking to crucial parts of the Indian power grid. This was a deliberate indirect route by which Chinese spies were interacting with malware they had previously buried deep inside the Indian power grid. Was India even aware of or imagined that such a conversation was possible in the first place? The incident indicated that advancements in digital technology have revolutionised covert operations, making it possible to undertake large-scale disruptions through virtual means, eliminating the need for physical presence or infrastructure.

On March 10, Babuk Locker 2.0 ransomware group claimed to have siphoned off a staggering 20 terabytes of data of the Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO), releasing a 753 MB sample online to validate their claim. The data dumped reportedly includes credential logs, classified communications, and technical documents linked to India’s defence apparatus. The classified data, extracted from the personal device of a former MoD official, is reportedly circulating on dark web forums, up for sale. The compromised data includes engineering schematics of advanced weapon systems, details of a new Indian Air Force facility, procurement strategies, and records of India’s confidential defence collaborations with foreign allies. More alarming were evacuation protocols for the country’s President, Prime Minister, and other VVIPs in the event of an aerial attack. If verified, the implications of such a breach are nothing short of catastrophic. DRDO denied the leak, which is hardly convincing, but the damage done to India’s national security is immense.

The rise of private intelligence companies, capable of monitoring and analysing vast quantities of digital data, has transformed espionage into a high-stakes technological competition, challenging state agencies,  which implies that China can carry out enormous sabotage at will, especially at critical times. The daily lives of individuals rely more than ever on digital technology: more things run on software (fridges, cars, phones), those things have a greater array of sensors (GPS receivers and radio transmitters) and they are increasingly connected, often over the internet, allowing data, often embodying our most personal secrets. We may have more means to keep our data secret but there is much more data to contend with and multiple sources from where it can seep out in the open, where a sprawling ecosystem of private intelligence can collect, analyse and use it.

It is no secret that despite clear risks, India’s approach to cybersecurity has been lackadaisical over the years. This is because many in the hierarchy believe and even privately say that China and the US already know everything, decoupling is well-nigh impossible and the effort would not be it. Moreover, the intelligence agencies, both internal and external, rely more on OSINT and HUMINT, less on technology. Moreover, the idiotic release of the intercepted phone conversation between General Pervez Musharraf in Beijing and his Chief of General Staff, Lt Gen Mohammed Aziz, during the 1999 Kargil War caused cessation of the foreign source that had provided the intercept. It is a known intelligence principle that publicly disclosing raw intelligence data can compromise sources and methods, potentially leading to a temporary/permanent reduction in similar future intelligence flows.

As to the switch from Microsoft OS to Maya, Sameer Patil, Senior Fellow at Observer Research Foundation (ORF), says that such a switch to open-source software would take many years because only sensitive ministries will make the switch in the near term. But the danger is that given the government’s penchant to flag milestones in a hurry, have Maya Charakravuh) been adequately tested and hardened? If not and already loaded on MoD/Indian Navy computers would imply a catastrophe.

The author is an Indian Army veteran. Views expressed are personal. 

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When Honest Feel Harassed: Why India’s High Net-Worth Individuals (HNIs) Are Losing Faith in the System

India today stands at a curious crossroads. On one hand, it celebrates becoming the world’s fastest-growing major economy, a startup powerhouse, and a magnet for global capital. On the other, a growing number of India’s most compliant, wealth-creating citizens – entrepreneurs, professionals, and High Net-Worth Individuals (HNIs) – are quietly planning their exit.

This disenchantment is not ideological. It is deeply practical.

For many HNIs, the issue is no longer the quantum of tax paid, but the manner in which the taxpayer is treated – with default suspicion, endless scrutiny, retrospective demands, and a system that punishes compliance while rewarding opacity.

A System That Distrusts Its Best Contributors

A recent example that resonated strongly across India’s startup and HNI community was shared by Rohit Shroff, a Bengaluru-based founder. His experience is telling.

Over the last 12–18 months, across his businesses, Shroff paid over USD 500,000 (₹4 crore) in GST and income tax. He did not evade. He did not delay. He complied fully.

Yet, despite this, he found himself subjected to repeated scrutiny by multiple tax authorities, overlapping notices, and compliance demands that treated him less as a contributor and more as a suspect.

His observation struck a nerve:

“Only 4–5% of Indians pay income tax, yet compliance pressure is disproportionately applied to those already inside the formal system.”

The irony is painful. Those who remain outside the tax net operate freely. Those inside are pursued relentlessly.

Compliance by Coercion, Not Confidence

One of the most damning aspects of India’s tax ecosystem is that compliance is often driven by fear, not fairness.

Many entrepreneurs and HNIs comply not because the system is efficient or just, but because:

• Challenging a notice is costlier than paying it
• Litigation can drag on for years or decades
• Tax officials wield discretionary power with minimal accountability

As Shroff bluntly put it, businesses comply because “it is cheaper to submit than to fight.”

This is not the hallmark of a mature, investor-friendly economy.

The Ghosts of the Past: Retrospective & Delayed Notices

The second example is even more alarming – and far more common.

A taxpayer received a notice demanding ₹17 lakh for an Income Tax Return allegedly not filed in 2012 – almost a decade later.

Such cases raise uncomfortable questions:

• How can a system claim digital efficiency yet allow files to resurface after tens of years?
• Why should citizens be punished for administrative failures or record lapses?
• How many individuals even retain financial records after a decade, especially when there was no notice at the time?

This is not tax enforcement.
This is institutional amnesia weaponised against citizens.

The Psychological Cost of Living Under Constant Scrutiny

Beyond money, the tax system imposes a psychological tax on HNIs.

Every notice carries:

• Uncertainty
• Anxiety
• Fear of attachment, freezing of accounts, or prosecution
• Reputational risk

Even when the taxpayer is ultimately vindicated, the process itself becomes the punishment.

For entrepreneurs, this creates a chilling effect:

• Growth attracts scrutiny
• Scale attracts suspicion
• Success invites intervention

Instead of rewarding expansion, the system implicitly asks:

“Why are you making so much money?”

Growth Is Penalised, Not Encouraged

India frequently speaks of wealth creators, but treats them like wealth hoarders.

Key issues troubling HNIs include:

• Frequent changes in tax interpretation
• Overlapping jurisdictions (IT, GST, ED, local authorities)
• Aggressive targets imposed on tax officers
• Presumption of guilt instead of innocence

Unlike global best practices, there is no concept of “trusted taxpayer” status that offers reduced scrutiny to consistently compliant individuals.

In India, compliance does not buy peace – it invites more paperwork.

Why Dubai, UAE, and the US Look Increasingly Attractive

The steady migration of Indian HNIs to Dubai, Singapore, the UK, and the US is not driven solely by lower taxes.

It is driven by predictability and dignity.

Dubai / UAE

• Zero personal income tax
• Clear residency-linked tax rules
• No retrospective demands
• Business-friendly regulators
• Swift dispute resolution

United States

• Higher taxes, but:
  • Clear statutes
  • Strong taxpayer rights
  • Independent courts
  • Due process before enforcement

Ironically, many HNIs are willing to pay more tax abroad – as long as the system is transparent and respectful.

The Silent Exodus and Its Cost to India

When HNIs leave, India loses far more than tax revenue.

It loses:

• Capital formation
• Angel and VC funding for startups
• Job creation
• Philanthropy
• Long-term institutional wealth

More dangerously, it sends a signal to the next generation:

“Build in India, but exit early – or build elsewhere.”

That is a dangerous narrative for a country aspiring to be a global economic leader.

Why Only 4 – 5% Pay Income Tax – and Why That Matters

India’s narrow tax base is often cited as justification for aggressive enforcement.

But this argument collapses under scrutiny.

The reason only 4–5% pay income tax is structural, not moral:

• Large informal economy
• Agricultural income exemptions (often misused)
• Political reluctance to widen the base
• Poor enforcement outside the formal sector

Instead of expanding the base, the system squeezes the same compliant few harder each year.

This is fiscally lazy and socially unjust.

What Needs to Change: Rebuilding Trust with HNIs

If India wants to retain its wealth creators, reforms must go beyond slogans.

1. Introduce “Trusted Taxpayer” Status

• Reduced audits for consistently compliant taxpayers
• Fast-track dispute resolution
• Single-window communication

2. End Retrospective Harassment

• Hard statutory limits on reopening cases
• Automatic closure of old years unless fraud is proven
• Accountability for delayed notices

3. Separate Revenue Targets from Enforcement

• Tax officers should not be incentivised by collections alone
• Quality of assessment should matter more than quantity

4. Simplify Compliance

• Reduce filings
• Harmonise GST and income tax data
• Eliminate duplicate reporting

5. Shift from Suspicion to Partnership

• Treat HNIs as stakeholders in nation-building
• Encourage voluntary compliance through certainty, not fear

Patriotism Cannot Be Forced Through Paperwork

As Rohit Shroff candidly stated, his decision to move abroad is “one of practicality, not patriotism.”

That sentiment is spreading.

People do not abandon their country lightly.
They leave when the system makes them feel unwelcome in their own success.

India does not lack entrepreneurial talent.
It lacks institutional empathy.

Conclusion: Taxation Must Fund the Nation, Not Fracture It

A tax system should:

• Raise revenue
• Encourage growth
• Uphold fairness
• Inspire confidence

When it instead creates fear, distrust, and exit planning, it has lost its moral legitimacy.

If India truly wants to be a global economic powerhouse, it must understand one simple truth:

Wealth creators are not adversaries of the state.
They are its strongest allies – if treated with respect.

Retaining India’s HNIs is not about lowering taxes.
It is about restoring trust.

And trust, once broken, is far harder to tax back.

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India | Readying For Wars

India has not terminated Operation ‘Sindoor’. One advantage of this is that own losses in men and material need not be disclosed. India had also declared it will consider terror attacks an “act of war”. But in the security meeting chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi post the Delhi and Nowgam blasts, Pakistan was not named. This was despite Pakistani army chief Asim Munir having declared earlier that Pakistan will attack India from the East and these terror attacks had clear Bangladeshi links.

At the 2025 Chanakya Defence Dialogue, having the theme ‘Reform to Transform – Sashakt, Surakshit Aur Viksit Bharat’, conducted the by Indian Army in collaboration with the Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS) at the Manekshaw Centre, New Delhi, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Anil Chauhan urged the Indian defence industry to do more by showing patriotism, being truthful about indigenous capabilities, delivering products on time, and at globally competitive costs. He stressed that delays and inflated claims undermine national security and operational readiness.

Gen Chauhan pointed out that failing to deliver equipment on time results in a capability being lost, which is unacceptable for national security preparedness. He warned against exaggerated claims of indigenous content in products, saying this impinges on security and that honesty should be paramount. Further, he emphasized that products must be cost-competitive not only for domestic procurement but also to succeed in the international export market, aiding India’s goal of becoming a defence exporter. He called for a focus on research and development (R&D), innovation, and reliability, saying you can’t win today’s wars with yesterday’s weapons. He also said that while profit is a valid motive, the industry should have a sense of nationalism and patriotism. especially given the critical nature of their work for the Armed Forces.

Notably, Gen Chauhan said, “We have problems like our procurement procedures are so slow, that it is difficult to imbibe technology at the rate the Armed Forces would want to.” He pointed to lessons from recent operations, such as Operation ‘Sindoor’, which demonstrated the critical need for indigenously developed systems, like counter-drone technologies, to avoid the vulnerabilities of relying on foreign imports. “Procuring military hardware can take years under India’s weapon-buying rules”, Gen Chauhan said, adding that India needed to induct more technologies at a faster rate in order to narrow the technological gap with its adversaries.

The above needs to be viewed in the backdrop of 2025 having been designated as the “Year of Reforms’ on January 1, 2025, aimed at transforming the Armed Forces into a technologically advanced combat-ready force capable of multi-domain integrated operations. But the ironic part is that Gen Chauhan appeared to be sermonizing as an outsider, whereas, he is very much part of the Ministry of Defence (MoD) as the Secretary, Department of Military Affairs (DMA) and a member of the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC). Every time the MoD announces a new Defence Procurement/Acquisition Procedure, it is accompanied by rhetoric that it is the best ever. What has Gen Chauhan done to reform these procedures, knowing the flaws, including the DRDO-bureaucratic nexus focused primarily on making money?

It is no secret that the Defence Secretary, by virtue of being responsible for capital acquisitions and having been charged with the defence policy in both war and peace, subordinates the CDS; with the latter’s recommendations going up to the Defence Secretary. This was a victory of the deep state while authorizing appointment of the CDS, including making him an advisor to the defence minister, not the prime minister, which should have been the case.

Defence Exports – Imperative For Nations To Remain Relevant

The CDS is Permanent Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee (COSC). Moreover, besides being Secretary DMA and adviser to the tri-service Nuclear Command Authority, serving on multiple advisory MoD and associated bodies, committees and councils, the CDS is also responsible for prioritising and affecting material procurements and defining military and security policies. So why has Gen Chauhan spoken up now? Is it because he has been given an extension up to the date coinciding with the retirement date of the current Army Chief? Why has he not raised voices against the slow defence procurement process, which he was entitled to as the Secretary DMA?

Interestingly, 24 hours after General Chauhan raised the above issues at the Chanakya Defence Dialogue, the MoD announced that the DAC, headed by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, has approved “guidelines for reducing the timelines at various stages of the capital acquisition process, to make it faster, more effective and efficient. But the lack of any elaboration has raised questions if this is more of a cover up. Also, is ‘capital acquisitions’ the only issue?

There are periodic headlines of the DAC according its Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for defence procurements and defence-related projects. But this only implies ‘in principle’ approval by the government, nothing more. Beyond this are complex stages, with each stage having the potential to delay or derail the entire project; often taking twice or three times the laid down period, As for the intractable corruption at every step, less said the better. What has General Chauhan and his predecessor’s done to cleanse the system and justify the CDS tab on their shoulders?

Indian Army to buy 850 Kamikaze drones worth Rs 2000 crore. pic.twitter.com/Rs0t1TZG2F

— Indian Tech & Infra (@IndianTechGuide) December 20, 2025

Speaking at the 40th Air Chief Marshal PC Lal (Retd) Memorial Lecture organised by the Air Force Association on December 15, 2025, DRDO Chairman, Samir V. Kamat called for enhanced investment in defence R&D to prepare for future warfare; amid rapid technological transformations across land, air, sea, space, cyber, and information domains. He highlighted the disparity in R&D spending, noting that India allocates 0.65% of its overall R&D budget compared to over 2% committed by competitors. He said this shortfall hinders India’s ambitions to emerge as a technology leader. He advocated greater industry participation in design and development, alongside contributions from start-ups and MSMEs, stressing the vital role of academia in basic and applied research on emerging technologies, coupled with the establishment of advanced test facilities and infrastructure, and that capacity building remains a critical priority.

India needs to seriously address the above anomalies, in addition to the following:
• Over the last decade plus, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) has many times pointed out excessive time delays by the DRDO, sub-standard products. many even priced more than products in the same category available off-the-shelf, and lack of accountability.
• Veteran Maj Gen BC Khanduri (former Union Minister in the Vajpayee Government 2000-2003), Chairman of the Standing Committee of Defence from 2014 to September 2018 was eased out because he pointed out the ad hoc approach and ill-equipping of Armed Forces. Nirmala Sitharaman, the then defence minister, even launched a diatribe against Gen Khanduri although Sitharaman was probably in school when Gen Khanduri joined BJP.
• In a report filed in Parliament on December 16, 2025, the CAG has pointed out that 72% Army contracts under emergency procurement (EP) have not been delivered within the stipulated timelines and objected to these deviations regularised beyond the waivers granted from prescribed procurement processes and rules to meet operational requirements. The CAG has suggested these deviations should be regularised ONLY by the Army Headquarters. So, who is regularizing these deviations, why and what is the role of CDS and MoD in this?
• The concept of self-certification introduced by MoD in recent years, and extending it to some defence industries is nothing more than brushing corruption under the carpet.
• Not only is the indigenous content in ‘Make in India’ dubious, as also pointed out by General Chauhan, but in many cases is nothing more than “assembling’ the product.
• Many analysts have pointed out that the governmental defence-industrial ecosystem needs to seriously weed out the deadwood but there is no effort being made towards this because of vested interests.
• The reorganization of DRDO is dragging its feet for well-known reasons, and will probably be an eyewash as and when it would eventually take place.
• The government can’t stop talking about India’s economic growth and that the country will soon become the third largest economy in the world, which was reiterated by PM Modi on December 16, 2025, while addressing the India-Jordan Business meet. But why then can India not invest in Defence R&D like the US and China, especially when crores and crores are being spent on elections, advertisements and self-aggrandizement?

Finally, whether there is any scope of improvement or the current lackadaisical approach will continue remains to be seen.

The author is an Indian Army veteran. Views expressed are personal

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MRO Monopoly – Is India Sleepwalking Into It Too, Indigo Style?

Consolidation, FBO Gatekeeping, and the Future of Independent MROs

India’s commercial and business-aviation fleets are set for a super-cycle of maintenance demand through the 2030s. Global forecasters see the worldwide MRO market rising from about $119B in 2025 to $156B by 2035, powered by a larger and aging fleet – dynamics that also apply to India. Oliver Wyman At home, government policy has flagged MRO as strategic and growth-worthy, with NITI Aayog explicitly calling out the need to scale domestic capability.

Yet the structure of India’s MRO marketplace is changing fast – raising a red flag for competition, pricing, and access, while putting to test the utility or existence of Competition Commission of India.

The consolidation wave (and why it matters)

• Air Works → Adani: India’s largest private MRO moved under Adani Defence & Aerospace via a binding acquisition process now completed to an ~85% stake – a scale move that instantly concentrates capacity, customers and certifications.
• Indamer Technics → Adani/Prime Aero JV: A binding agreement to acquire 100% of Indamer Technics (AAR Indamer) via a JV (Horizon Aero Solutions) further expands the same group’s footprint – Nagpur MIHAN’s large-aircraft facility among the crown jewels.

On the FBO/GAT side, Delhi long ran with two concessionaires (Bird-ExecuJet and Indamer-MJETS), a model the ‘business aviation’ community has criticized since 2016 for access frictions and vendor eviction risk. Aviation International News More recently, Delhi’s FBO landscape has shifted again with a second FBO arrangement on the field – proof that airport-level choices can be made, but also a reminder that who gets chosen determines downstream access for everyone else.

Why this matters: When the same few hands control (1) hangar bays, (2) OEM relationships, and (3) the FBO choke-points that decide who gets onto the apron and when, smaller CAR-145 shops can be priced out, queued out, or contractually locked out. The result isn’t just fewer competitors – it’s a quiet tax on operators via higher effective turnaround costs, longer AOGs, and less bargaining power.

Counter-currents you should know (it’s not all consolidation)

There are positive new entrants and expansions that could dilute concentration – if policy steers fairly:

• Safran’s LEAP engine MRO in Hyderabad (ops from 2026) adds a global OEM heavyweight into India’s capability stack.
• IndiGo’s ₹1,100 cr MRO at BLR strengthens domestic airframe capacity and skill pipelines.
• Tata–Lockheed’s C-130J defence MRO broadens heavy-platform know-how (spillovers help the ecosystem).

These moves are good for India – but they don’t, by themselves, solve access. Without non-discriminatory slotting, fair FBO terms, and transparent tariff governance, new capacity can still be fenced off from independents.

Are we heading for “IndiGo-style” dominance – this time in MRO?

A single airline’s commercial dominance is one kind of market power; MRO + FBO gatekeeping is another. The risk here is vertical and horizontal leverage: ownership concentration across large MROs, plus control over airport touch-points (FBO/GAT, parking, tows, stands). If left unmanaged, like for example the decade old dominance of Bird and MJET with no space for others at Delhi’s T4 Terminal, the outcome rhymes perfectly with monopoly – even if it isn’t one in law yet. Wonder if Competition Commission of India ever breaks it’s slumber and wakes up to the reality that contradicts the very efforts that MoCA pretends to be aggressively working on.

What to fix – now (a 10-point, pro-competition playbook)

1. Airport-level “Open Access” Code: Mandate non-discriminatory apron access and transparent slot-allocation for all DGCA-approved line/base MROs; publish wait-lists and reasons for denial.
2. FBO Neutrality Rules: Concession agreements at metro airports should include most-favoured-access clauses for third-party MROs (pricing, bays, ground support), audited annually.
3. Tariff Transparency: Publish standardized menus for GSE, towing, GPU, parking, and hangar time; cap ancillary mark-ups at FBOs where there’s limited competition.
4. Bay Reservation Quotas: Reserve a minimum % of hangar/stand hours for independent MROs at monopoly or duopoly fields (Delhi, Mumbai) to prevent foreclosure.
5. OEM Non-Discrimination Undertakings: As a condition for incentives, OEMs operating facilities in India should sign non-exclusion commitments to support qualified independents with data, tooling, and training on FRAND-like terms.
6. Time-to-Serve KPIs: Airports to publish mean/median TAT for independent MRO requests vs in-house/affiliated requests; deviations trigger penalties.
7. Competition Test for M&A: For future MRO acquisitions, require an ex-ante competition review (CCI) that considers access to essential facilities (bays, FBOs, tooling, OEM data) beyond traditional market-share math.
8. Tier-2 Incentives: Provide reduced land rentals, SGST refunds, and tooling grants for independents in Tier-2/3 airports to decentralize capacity and relieve metro choke points.
9. Skill & Certification Pipeline: Fast-track type-training seats and cross-OEM authorisations for independent CAR-145s; tie MoCA incentives to third-party inclusion.
10. Single-Window AOG Protocol: DGCA-led protocol so AOG requests get priority slots and neutral access – no operator should be stranded because an FBO “can’t accommodate” an unaffiliated MRO.

The prize if we get it right

India currently outsources a large share of commercial MRO; policy aims to reverse that. With global players (Safran) and domestic capex (IndiGo, defence MROs) entering, we can capture far more value provided access is fair and predictable. Do that, and independents won’t just survive – they’ll specialize (structures, interiors, avionics mods, bizav heavy checks), raising quality and lowering total cost of maintenance for operators.

Bottom line

Consolidation isn’t automatically bad – but concentration without guardrails is. India has a rare window to write pro-competition access rules while the new MRO capacity is still being built. If we protect open access at airports and FBOs, empower independents, and demand OEM neutrality, India won’t slide into an MRO monopoly – it will build a resilient, multi-player ecosystem that serves airlines, NSOPs, and safety alike.

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